At the same time that Washington is giving Iraq "universal healthcare," it is violently forcing massive privatization and union-bustingon Iraq. This report is very good on exposing privatizationworld-wide, and its effects on workers' health.David Bacon, Bay Area labor photojournalist, accompanied ClarenceThomas, executive board member of ILWU Local 10 in San Francisco, toIraq and chronicled their meetings with Iraqi workers, unionorganizers, and others. Clarence and David are available to speakbefore labor audiences and others about their experience andobservations about the situation for workers in Iraq. David also has aphoto show. Contact David Bacon at dbacon@igc.org and Clarence Thomasat deeclarenc@aol.com.]
THE OCCUPATION'S WAR ON IRAQI WORKERS
By David Bacon
BAGHDAD, IRAQ ---The disaster that is the occupation ofIraq is much more than the suicide bombings and guerilla ambushes ofU.S. troops which play nightly across U.S. television screens. Theviolence of grinding poverty, exacerbated by economic sanctions afterthe first Gulf War, has been deepened by the the latest invasion.Every day the economic policies of the occupying authorities createmore hunger among Iraq's working people, transforming them into a poolof low-wage, semi-employed labor, desperate for jobs at almost anyprice.While the effects of U.S. policy on daily life go largely unseen inthe U.S. media, anyone walking the streets of Baghdad cannot missthem. Children sleep on the sidewalks. Buildings that once housed manyof the city's four million residents, or the infrastructure that makeslife in a modern city possible, like the telephone exchange, remainburned-out ruins months after the occupation started. Rubble fills thebroad boulevards which were once the pride of a wealthy country, andthe air has become gritty and brown as thousands of vehicles kick theresulting dust into the air.In the meantime U.S. contractors get rich from the billions oftaxpayer dollars supposedly appropriated for reconstruction. Iraq'snational wealth -- factories, refineries, mines, docks, and otherindustrial facilities -- are being readied for sale to foreigncompanies by the occupation's bureaucracy, to whom democracy and theunrestrained free market are the same thing.But Iraqi workers, while facing bleak conditions, are not acceptingtheir fate, at least as defined by corporate planners. They areorganizing and making plans of their own.Iraqi workers need a raise - desperately. For six months, they've beenpaid at an emergency level dictated by the US occupation authority,known as the Coalition Provisional Authority, or CPA. Most workers get$60/month, a small percentage $120, and a tiny minority (mostlyadministrators and managers) $180. This is the same wage scale thatprevailed under the last few years of the Saddam Hussein regime.One worker at the General State Leather Industry Factory, the largestshoe factory in the Middle East, says she supports six people in herfamily with the emergency payment. With unemployment still atcatastrophic levels, every working Iraqi is supporting many otherpeople at home. As she explains her situation, she's surrounded byfour other seamstresses, each wearing a hejab and worn tan tunic overtheir clothes. They stand protectively around her while she speaks forall of them. "The prices of food and clothing are going up rapidly,and the salary is very low. We work hard, and I've been here 10 years.I have to have a raise," she pleads.Another worker at the Al Daura oil refinery just outside Baghdad,complaining anonymously for fear that he would lose his job, told mehe'd spent 10 years fighting in the Iran-Iraq war, only to return hometo his six children with nothing. "I still have no house or place tolive," he said bitterly, "and the current emergency wage is totallyincapable of supporting us."In September and October, the refinery saw three work stoppages, inwhich workers demanded a regular salary, at a level higher than theemergency payments. Leather factory workers even stormed out of theirplant, and marched to the Labor Ministry, complaining about theirmanager and the wages. Similar protests have been happening atworkplaces throughout the country.Those without jobs, estimated at about 70 percent of the workforce, orabout 7-8 million people, have even less. Twenty years ago, mostpeople living in Baghdad were supported by regular employment. Todaythe informal, or black economy, is the means of survival for anenormous part of the population. Since April, the CPA and the IraqiMinistry of Labor and Social Affairs have rewritten all the country'sjob classifications, and their corresponding salaries, at least threetimes. But the actual pay received by workers has remained exactly thesame. The $87 billion just appropriated by Congress for Iraqi"reconstruction" contains not a dime for workers or the unemployed.Instead, the money will prepare the way for the transformation of theIraqi economy, and the privatization of the state enterprises at itsheart. In the process the Bush administration is not consideringmeasures that would protect and reinforce labor rights. Instead,since April the CPA has essentially banned unions in Iraqi stateenterprises, and even issued a decree prohibiting strikes.In an October 8 phone press conference, Thomas Foley, director forprivate sector development for the CPA, announced a list of the firststate enterprises to be sold off, including cement and fertilizerplants, phosphate and sulfur mines, pharmaceutical factories and thecountry's airline. Foley described his goal as a "fully thrivingcapitalist economy." On September 19 the CPA published Order No. 39,which permits 100% foreign ownership of businesses, except for the oilindustry, and allows repatriation of profits. No. 37 suspends incomeand property taxes for the year, and limits taxes on individuals andcorporations in the future to 15%.Dathar Al-Kashab, manager of the Al Daura refinery, predicted thatprivatization would have an enormous effect. "A worker starting heretoday has a job for life, under the old system, and there's no lawwhich permits me to lay him off. But if I put on the hat ofprivatization, I'll have to fire 1500 [of the refinery's 3000]workers. In America when a company lays people off, there'sunemployment insurance, and they won't die from hunger. If I dismissemployees now, I'm killing them and their families." Al Kashab wasformerly the manager of the maintenence department, and still wearshis machinist's overalls as he sits behind the huge desk of the plantdirector, a position to which he was appointed when the occupationbegan.The state-owned Mamoun Factory of Vegetable Oils, which employs 771workers is another prime candidate for sale to a private owner. "Butthere's no private person in Iraq with enough money to buy thisplace," said manager Amir Faraj Bhajet. "It would have to be a foreignowner. They would like the assets, but would they want the workers?"Production is low and many of the plant's injection molding machines,which make plastic bottles for the oil, are disabled. Replacementparts were unavailable during 12 years of sanctions, and the plant wasinspected 20 times as a possible site for chemical weapons production,since the PVC used in making bottles has a dual possible use. Iraqinewspapers are already carrying stories on possible buyers.Despite fear of privatization, however, the fall of the Saddam regimehas led to an explosion of workplace organizing activity. Low wagesare one motivation, but often working conditions are even moreimportant. At the Al Daura refinery, Detrala Beshab, president of therefinery's new union, noted that while the workday is officially sevenhours, the day shift is actually 11 hours long, and the night shift 13hours. Since workers are paid by the month, there is no overtime pay."When we talked to the manager, he told us he had to talk to the OilMinistry, which had to talk to the Finance Ministry, which had to getpermission from the coalition forces," Beshab said. "The coalitionforces control the finances and our wages." Beshab and the unioncommittee are all older men, at least in their forties. The planthasn't hired new workers in some time. Any job in Baghdad right nowmay be precarious, but it is a means of survival, so workers hang ontothem by any means they can. An eleven hour shift is much better thanno shift at all.The workers' situation is so desperate the refinery gives them motoroil every month to make up for their low income. On the highwayoutside the plant, the sons of refinery workers have set up littleroadside stands selling it to passing cars.In Saddam's time no one could afford to retire - "the pension wasn'tenough to pay a taxi to collect the check," Beshab laughs. But therefinery and every other state enterprise did pay other importantbenefits. There was a system of bonuses and profit-sharing, whichoften was as much as the salary itself, and a food subsidy as well.All those benefits disappeared when the occupation authorities tookover. Workers have suffered a drastic cut in income since April as aresult of CPA decisions. A skyrocketing exchange rate (2000 dinars tothe dollar in mid-October) has made imports more expensive -- ineffect, another cut in salary.No one in the refinery, except the fire department, has boots orgloves. Safety glasses are unknown. "Lots of us have breathingproblems, and there are accidents in which people get burned,"explained another union member, Rajid Hassan. If anyone gets hurt orsick, they have to pay for their own medical care, and lose pay forthe time they're out of work.Two months ago, organizers came out to the plant from one of Iraq'stwo new labor federations, the Workers Democratic Trade UnionFederation, the modern successor to the country's pre-Saddam labormovement. Iraq has a long history of labor and radical activity, bornduring the fight against the British during their 6-year occupation ofthe country at the end of World War One. Starting with oil, railroadand dock workers, unions mounted strikes, which the British suppressedat gunpoint, killing strikers.The monarchy that the British installed, lasting until 1958, continuedto make union organizing illegal. After the 1958 revolution overthrewthe king, unions and radical political parties came aboveground forthe first time. But in 1963, the CIA mounted a coup against the Kassemgovernment, and installed the Baath Party. In 1977, Saddam Hussein,who became the Baath Party ruler, purged the unions and made radicalparties illegal. Many activists were executed, and others fled Iraqinto exile.Following the fall of the Saddam regime in April, organizers of theold unions resurfaced. In Basra, they mounted a strike two days afterthe arrival of British troops, demanding the right to organize andprotesting the appointment of a Baath Party member as the new mayor.Subsequently, 400 union activists met in Baghdad in June, forming theWorkers Democratic Trade Union Federation, and laid plans toreorganize unions in twelve of the country's main industries.After that meeting, organizers fanned out to workplaces, including theAl Daura refinery. There they encouraged workers in each of the ninedepartments to elect union committees, and to choose leaders for theentire installation. While the plant manager seemed very willing totalk with the union, he was not able to sign any kind of contract withthe federation.The refinery and all other state enterprises are still covered by thelaw issued by Saddam on March 11, 1987, which abolished Labour Law No.151 of 1970, which guaranteed such rights as the 8 hour day. Saddam's1987 decree turned workers in the public sector into "civil servants,"thereby denying them the right to form or join unions or to bargain.The pension funds of these workers were handed to the treasury withoutcompensation. At the same time that unions in the public sector werebanned, new "unions" were created for the private sector which,according to Law 52 of 1987, would work with management to "increaseefficiency and work discipline."The 1987 law has a special effect on workers employed in enterprisesset to be privatized-if they have no legal union, no right to bargainand no contracts, the privatization of the plants and the huge joblosses that will come with it will face much less organizedresistance.On June 5 CPA head Paul Bremer issued a decree, called "PublicIncitement to Violence and Disorder." In a paragraph about "prohibitedpronouncements," section b) list those that "incite civil disorder,rioting or damage to property." Those who violate the decree "will besubject to immediate detention by CPA security forces and held as asecurity internee under the Fouth Geneva Convention of 1949 [whichgoverns prisoners of war]." The phrase civil disorder can easily beinterpreted as applying to people advocating or organizing strikes.On an October 13 interview, Dr. Nuri Jafer, assistant to the IraqiMinister of Labor, was asked whether the 1987 law would be repealed,and refused to answer the question. Sitting next to him in his ornateoffice was Leslie Findley, a British advisor assigned by the CPA tooversee the ministry. She was asked the same question, and alsorefused to answer. Then she complained about the number of uniondelegations visiting the ministry, making the same request. "I'm goingto tell the minister that these are taking too much of his time, andrecommend that he concentrate instead on doing his job," she warned.Dr. Jafer spent a half-hour describing in glowing terms his idea for anew system of unemployment benefits, paying, he hoped, a survivalincome "without removing the motivation from people to go out and findjobs." Leaving aside the repetition of the free-marketeers' horrorthat poor people might lose their desire to work, Dr. Nuri'sexplanation had one other major problem. "As yet, unfortunately," heconceded, "we have yet to find any country willing to help us fundit."At the shoe and vegetable oil factories, another new labor group beganorganizing workers this summer, called the Workers Unions andCouncils. With its encouragement, shoe factory workers organized aunion and demanded legal recognition. Like workers at the refinery,they complained about long hours without overtime pay, no vacations,and the disappearance of their extra pay when the occupation started.At the factory this reporter was immediately surrounded by dozens ofangry workers, each interrupting the other in their urgent efforts todescribe their frustration. Dressed in the standard blue overalls ofmost Iraqi factory workers, they looked as if they had just taken abreak from operating their machines. All seemed very willing to speakout within just a few yards of the manager's office, but hesitated atgiving their names. They explained their reluctance by noting thatworkers whose names wound up on lists maintained by Saddam Husseinsecurity police were fired and blacklisted, or even executed."We're demanding the right to form a union which must have fullauthority to represent workers here," explained one worker. "We mustchange this law that says we don't have to right to a union. If thelaw doesn't change, we'll change it anyway, like it or not. We are thepeople." When an assistant manager listening to the interview began toexplain the reason why the factory director couldn't negotiate, thisworker lost his patience and his loud, intense disagreement made themanager retreat back into the office. "Life has gotten much worse,"said another, pointing emphatically into the air. "Everything iscontrolled by the coalition. We don't control anything."Even without legal status, unions are finding a way to operate and winsome demands. The vegetable oil factory's employees tried first to setup a union for the food products industry. The labor ministry thenreminded them that they were civil servants, and therefore prohibitedfrom collective bargaining. The workers and the Workers Councilsresponded by setting up a union for civil servants, defying the ban.The new union's demands include reclassifying the workers so that theycan receive higher salaries, lifting the punishment of banned formeremployees, and the reinstatement of profit-sharing.According to its general secretary Majeed Sahib Kareem, "a majorreason for our existence is to eliminate the laws issued by the Baathregime." Kareem displayed a long list of workers at the plant who hadbeen arrested and executed during the Saddam Hussein regime forbelonging to the Al Daiwa Party, which is now part of the IraqiGoverning Council. The children of these workers were blacklisted andunable to find jobs. Kareem and his union seek to get the governmentand factory management to make restitution for the old crimes, andcorrect the harm done to workers' families.The WDTUF also condemns the 1987 law and calls for its repeal, butdoesn't organize mass demonstrations against it. "We think civildisobedience is a fertile ground for troublemakers to create havoc andendanger the lives of the people who participate," said AbdullahMuhsin, the federation's international representative.Part of the Workers Councils network is the Union of the Unemployed,which for months marched and demonstrated in the streets for survivalpayments for people who often are starving. On July 29 they set up atent encampment in front of the compound of the US occupationauthorities, and the soldiers detained 21 of the union's leaders as aresult. "The money they spent on just ten combat helicopters would beenough to meet the needs of all the unemployed workers in ourcountry," charged Qasim Hadi, the union's general secretary, who hasbeen arrested twice in protests.In the face of extreme levels of unemployment, the occupationauthorities have claimed that the contracts for reconstruction givento US corporations will result in jobs for large numbers of Iraqis. Inan August 13 letter to the Union of the Unemployed, William B.Clatanoff, the then-CPA advisor to the Ministry of Labor, boasted thatneighborhood councils throughout Baghdad would nominate projects"which will not only offer productive jobs, but also quickly impactneighborhoods in need of overdue improvements." Anyone driving throughthe city's streets in the following two months could easily see theabsence of any such public works, however. Enormous piles of rubblefrom the war remain untouched. Clatanoff promised 300,000 jobsthroughout Iraq, none of which have appeared.Nevertheless, US corporations are actively providing some essentialservices to the occupation troops, maintaining prison compounds, andrebuilding those parts of the infrastructure, like ports andpipelines, needed to get oil exports restarted. But here theemployment of Iraqi nationals is much less desired.Highly paid technicians are brought in from outside, and housed incompounds surrounded by walls and razor wire, escorted by soldiers.According to the Financial Times of London, contractors preparingmeals for troops on their bases use foreign nationals because theydon't trust Iraqis. "Iraqis are a security threat," said a manager forthe Tamimi Company, which provides food service for 60,000 soldiers.Instead, the firm brought in 1800 workers from Pakistan, India, Nepaland Bangladesh. Tamimi in turn is a contractor to US constructiongiant Kellogg, Brown and Root, a subsidiary of the HalliburtonCorporation. Halliburton's no-bid contract in Iraq is worth over $2billion.Those Iraqis who do get hired to work for the Americans on the basesdescribe oppressive working conditions. Muiwafa al Saidy, who worksfor US contractors doing construction at the Baghdad airport,complained that "soldiers aim guns at us wherever we go, even to thetoilet." Workers are paid $5 a day, but have to give $2 of that to a"translator" who threatens to tell the soldiers they're terroristsunless he gets paid off. They have to pass through three differentgates to gain access to the area where they work, and al Saidydescribed instances in which they were held in a no-man's land betweenthe gates all day, to punish them for arriving a few minutes late.Adding to the tension are the presence of prisoners in the compound.Al Saidy said he's seen children brought in from the soccer fields,balls in hand, old men in their 80s, and even hospital patientscarrying their drip bags. He described treatment bordering oncontempt - food thrown on the ground, blows with sticks, and otherforms of disrespect.In August, a representative of the International Labor Organization,Walid Hamdan, visited Iraq. On his return, he made a report to theInternational Confederation of Trade Unions (ICFTU). Guy Ryder, theICFTU's general secretary, called for an international labordelegation to visit Iraq to investigate conditions for workers."Ensuring respect for workers' rights, including freedom ofassociation, must be central to building a democratic Iraq and toensuring sustainable economic and social development," the ICFTU saidin a May 30 statement. "Democracy must have roots. It requires freeelections, but also mass based, democratic trade unions that helpsecure it and protect it as well as being schools of democracy."Arab trade unionists are also critical of the occupation's effect onworkers. According to Hacene Djemam, General Secretary of theInternational Confederation of Arab Trade Unions, "war makesprivatization easy: first you destroy the society and then you let thecorporations rebuild it." He emphasized that Iraqi workers must beable to form unions of their own choosing.Meanwhile, US Labor Against the War, which brought together unions andlabor councils that opposed the Bush intervention before it tookplace, prepared a research paper after the occupation started,profiling the US corporations that were given reconstructioncontracts. A USLAW delegation to Iraq in October took copies of thereport, and offered to assist unions there if and when they confrontthe kind of union-busting activity for which some of those companieshave become notorious. A British labor delegation also visited Iraq inSeptember.Labor support in the US for Iraqi unions will focus on the repeal ofthe 1987 Saddam law prohibiting collective bargaining for state-sectorworkers, and the removal of other legal barriers on labor activity.The US Labor Assembly for Peace, convened in Chicago on October 24 and25 by USLAW, announced it was launching a national campaign to defendIraqi labor rights under the occupation, and resolved to make this anissue in the 2004 election. It called for Congressional hearings intothe enforcement of the 1987 law, and began circulating resolutionsthrough unions around the country to build up pressure on Bush and theCPA.Clarence Thomas, former secretary-treasurer of San Francisco longshoreLocal 10 of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, was amember of the USLAW October delegation. He explained to a meeting ofWDTUF leaders that his local had opposed the war even before itstarted, a position backed up by the International union at itsconvention in June. Jassim Mashkoul, the new federation's director forinternal communications, thanked him for his opposition to the war andoccupation. "At the beginning, we thought our situation might bebetter afterwards, since we got rid of Saddam Hussein. But it hasn'tbeen." He cited the occupation authority's enforcement of the 1987 lawas a major obstacle. In addition, he noted, the new federation hasasked that the old union structure set up by Saddam Hussein beofficially dissolved, and its buildings and the benefit funds itadministered turned over to the new unions. The occupation authoritieshave turned a deaf ear to these appeals as well.Both the WDTUF and the Workers Councils federations opposed the warand call for an end to the occupation. But according to another leaderof the federation, Muhsen Mull Ali, who spent two long stints inprison for organizing unions in Basra, "they will reimpose capitalismon us, so our responsibility is to oppose privatization as much aspossible, and fight for the welfare of our workers.""We need Congressional hearings into the union-busting actions by USoccupation authorities in Iraq," Thomas declared. "If unions here knewwhat's being done in our name over there, they'd be outraged."For more information, read David Bacon's "War Makes PrivatizationEasy."http://www.counterpunch.org/bacon08252003.html
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